Serbia’s student movement has raised hopes of a reset in relations with the European Union after securing an absolute parliamentary majority and ending the 14-year rule of Aleksandar Vucic’s Serbian Progressive Party (SNS). However, the election result has not yet resolved questions about Belgrade’s foreign policy, particularly its ties with Russia and its position on Kosovo’s independence.
The Student List, the electoral arm of a movement that grew out of months of student-led protests, has brought a new group of political figures into parliament and opened the possibility of a different relationship between Serbia and Brussels. For EU officials, the result offers an opportunity to revive discussions on democratic reform and Serbia’s long-delayed accession process, although the country’s future direction remains uncertain.
“We are at the very beginning of the new path. But at least it’s a new path. We have no guarantees of anything. There’s just one guarantee that now we have the possibility, we have hope. And this is a huge achievement,” Slovenian Member of the European Parliament Matjaz Nemec, of the Socialists and Democrats group, told Euronews.
The movement emerged after a deadly disaster at a recently renovated railway station in November 2024 triggered public anger and questions about government accountability and corruption. What began as student protests developed into a wider challenge to Serbia’s political establishment, with demonstrators calling for stronger institutions, greater accountability and democratic reform.
The election marked a major break with the SNS, which had dominated Serbian politics for 14 years under Vucic. The Student List has brought together candidates from outside the traditional political establishment, including students, university professors, doctors, artists and businesspeople.
For Brussels, the movement’s focus on corruption, democratic accountability and institutional reform offers grounds for cautious optimism. These issues overlap with longstanding EU concerns about the rule of law, judicial independence and media freedom in Serbia.
However, the coalition’s broad membership also creates uncertainty about its political direction. Its members share opposition to the previous government, but that does not necessarily mean they agree on European integration or Serbia’s wider international relationships.
” Ousting Vucic from power was the pre-requisite for Serbia’s European future,” Jelena Vasiljevic, a senior research associate at the University of Belgrade, told Euronews. “Now I hope we will be able to have an open, democratic discussion on the EU accession path.”
The campaign that helped propel the Student List to victory focused heavily on corruption and accountability. Its door-to-door approach drew comparisons with the political change in Hungary, where Peter Magyar defeated Viktor Orban after 16 years in power. Magyar was the first foreign leader to congratulate the Serbian movement on its election result, saying on X that he was pleased to hear how much strength Hungary’s April victory had given its supporters during their struggle.
Vucic’s concession and the peaceful transfer of power have also drawn attention to the functioning of Serbia’s democratic institutions. Yet the change in government alone does not guarantee closer relations with the EU. Brussels will be looking for evidence that campaign commitments translate into reforms and a more consistent approach to European foreign policy.
An EU diplomat told Euronews that the new movement’s position on international affairs remained unclear, adding that member states would be watching closely to see whether Serbia’s alignment with the bloc changed under the new administration.
EU officials have welcomed the election result. Enlargement Commissioner Marta Kos said that “the door to the EU is open, and we are ready to move forward together”, signalling the bloc’s willingness to engage with Serbia’s new political leadership.
However, Serbia’s accession process has faced significant obstacles. In July, the European Commission pushed for the opening of Cluster 3 of the country’s EU accession negotiations, but eight member states opposed the move, citing concerns about democratic backsliding and Serbia’s lack of alignment with EU foreign policy.
The Student List’s programme, published in September, concentrated on domestic priorities, including public procurement, education, media freedom, judicial independence and healthcare. It did not provide a detailed roadmap for changing Serbia’s international relationships.
Bojan Vranic, a political science professor at the University of Belgrade, has urged EU officials not to assume that the election will immediately produce a breakthrough in accession talks. He said the movement had taken a cautious position towards the EU, prioritising reforms within Serbia before presenting itself as a credible partner in negotiations.
That approach could mean that Brussels will have to wait for concrete policy decisions before deciding how quickly to advance Serbia’s membership bid. Although the election has changed the political landscape, progress will depend on the new government’s willingness and ability to implement reforms and address the concerns raised by EU member states.
There are also historical reasons for caution. In 2003, Serbian Prime Minister Zoran Djindjic was assassinated by former members of the country’s security apparatus after pursuing closer ties with the West, economic reforms and a crackdown on organised crime. His murder remains a reminder of the challenges that have accompanied attempts to reshape Serbia’s political and institutional system.
The European Commission’s forthcoming enlargement package is expected to provide another indication of the EU’s position. The annual assessment examines the progress of candidate countries, including their performance on democratic standards and the requirements for membership. However, Serbia’s new government may not be in place before the reporting period closes, limiting the extent to which the document can reflect the change in leadership.
The subsequent conclusions adopted by the Council of the European Union could offer a clearer indication of whether member states are prepared to encourage renewed progress in Serbia’s accession negotiations.
Serbia’s relationship with neighbouring Montenegro will also be closely watched. Montenegro is among the most advanced countries in the EU enlargement process, while relations between Belgrade and Podgorica have been affected by disputes over identity and political influence. Under Vucic, the SNS was accused of trying to undermine Montenegro’s EU ambitions by encouraging divisions linked to national identity.
Montenegrin Prime Minister Milojko Spajic welcomed the possibility of a different relationship between the two countries. “I firmly believe that a new chapter lies ahead for Montenegro and Serbia, based on respect and open dialogue, without unnecessary escalation of tensions,” he wrote on X.
Foreign policy remains one of the most difficult questions facing the new Serbian leadership. Serbia has refused to join EU sanctions against Russia following Moscow’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022, despite its ambition to join the bloc. That position has remained a major source of tension in relations with Brussels.
In a September statement on X, the student movement said Serbia would maintain its position against imposing restrictive measures on Russia, citing the country’s historical experience with sanctions.
Energy dependence is another factor shaping Belgrade’s relationship with Moscow. Russia has long been an important supplier of natural gas to Serbia, while its diplomatic support has helped Belgrade oppose international recognition of Kosovo’s independence. The Student List has also rejected Kosovo’s independence in a memorandum published in May, indicating that a change of government may not lead to a shift on the issue.
The movement itself contains competing political perspectives, ranging from strongly pro-European figures to members who support Serbian nationalism and maintaining close ties with Russia. How those differences are resolved will be important in determining the country’s foreign policy.
Dimitar Bechev, a senior fellow at Carnegie Europe, told media outlets that nationalist voices within the movement would want to maintain relations with Russia because of Kosovo, while energy ties would also remain significant. He suggested that relations with China could weaken somewhat, although existing foreign investment and economic connections would continue to matter.
For the EU, the election has created an opening for renewed engagement with Serbia, but the path towards membership remains dependent on more than a change in political leadership. Progress will require the new government to demonstrate its commitment to democratic institutions, the rule of law and the obligations associated with EU membership, while decisions on Russia, Kosovo and regional relations will help determine whether the political transition leads to a broader shift in Belgrade’s foreign policy.
